Thursday, September 22, 2011

What Really Caused the Eurozone Crisis? (Part 1)

I've been doing some work on gaining a better understanding of the root causes of eurozone (EZ) debt crisis. As a point of departure, let's take a couple of dueling quotes. First, Wolfgang Schäuble, Germany’s finance minister, from his recent piece in the Financial Times:
Whatever role the markets have played in catalysing the sovereign debt crisis, it is an undisputable fact that excessive state spending has led to unsustainable levels of debt and deficits that now threaten our economic welfare.
Next, here's an excerpt from a statement recently made by Greece's Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance, Evangelos Venizelos:
We should not be the scapegoat or the easy excuse that will be used by European and international institutions in order to hide their own lack of competence to manage the crisis and give a definitive and complete answer to the attacks against euro, the world’s strongest currency.
These two statements capture the essence of two radically different views about the origins of the EZ debt crisis. Which one is right?


Local Causes or Systemic Causes?

Some believe that the crisis was fundamentally caused by profligate, irresponsible behavior by governments and individuals in the EZ periphery. (Note: by the "EZ periphery" I mean Greece, Portugal, Ireland, and maybe Spain. Italy has not really been accused of such behavior, to my knowledge, and it seems generally accepted that it is much more the victim of contagion rather than the cause of the crisis.) Let's call this the local causes point of view: government deficits and debt in the periphery were so large that once the Great Recession of 2008-09 hit, investors lost confidence in the ability of those countries to remain solvent. So they tried to dump the bonds from those countries, triggering the crisis.

An alternative point of view is that, while the crisis may have had some peculiarly local triggers (the Greek government's admission that it fudged some official statistics certainly didn't help), much of the current mess is the result of forces and decisions outside the control of peripheral Europe's governments. In other words, the crisis could have non-local, systemic causes.

For example, suppose that the adoption of the euro suddenly made it more attractive for investors in the rest of Europe to buy assets in the periphery. This could have caused a large, exuberant capital flow from Europe's core to periphery, much like NAFTA helped to spark a surge in capital flows from the US to Mexico in the early 1990s. In theory, that's a good thing, and should help the process of economic convergence. But we know that such "capital flow bonanzas" (so named by Reinhart and Reinhart) are notoriously susceptible to changes in investor attitudes, and can come to an abrupt halt. These sudden stops in capital flows, as they are referred to in the literature, typically trigger a financial crisis. (See this paper by Calvo, Izquierdo, and Mejia for much more about sudden stops.) As noted by Rudi Dornbusch in the context of the Mexico crisis of 1994, it's not speed that kills; it's the sudden stop.

Crucially, sudden stops may happen even when a country is following all the right macroeconomic policies. As a result, financial crisis may be largely outside the control of a country that's on the receiving end of a capital flow bonanza. Mexico in 1994 is a good example of that, I think. And it could be that some of the peripheral EZ countries also fit this characterization. If so, then it's not appropriate to lay the blame for the crisis entirely at the doorstep of the peripheral EZ's governments; while they may have done some things that contributed to the crisis, the odds were significantly stacked against them to begin with.


Evidence

Which view of the EZ crisis - the local causes view or the systemic causes view - better matches the evidence? There are a few different types of clues we can look for.

1. Which deficit predicted the crisis?
If the crisis is due primarily to local causes, then we would expect the best predictor of crisis to be government deficits and debt. On the other hand, if the systemic causes view is correct, then a better predictor of the crisis would be large current account deficits, which necessarily happen when there's a capital flow bonanza.

The following table shows both fiscal (i.e. national government) budget balances and current account balances during the period after the adoption of the euro and before the worldwide financial crisis and recession struck in 2008. All figures are from the OECD and expressed as a % of GDP.


The factor that crisis countries have in common is that, without exception, they ran the largest current account deficits in the EZ during the period 2000-2007. The relationship between budget deficits and crisis is much weaker; some of the crisis countries had significant average surpluses during the years leading up to the crisis, while some of the EZ countries with large fiscal deficits did not experience crisis. This is one piece of evidence that a surge in capital flows, not budget deficits, may have been what laid the groundwork for the crisis.

2. Which deficit grew after euro adoption?
If the crisis is due to the profligacy of governments in the peripheral EZ that took advantage of EZ membership to increase spending, we would expect to see budget deficits grow in the periphery after the common currency was introduced in 1999. But if the crisis was really the result of a post-euro adoption surge in capital flows from the EZ core that then came to a sudden stop, we would expect current account deficits (i.e. capital flows) to have grown more after adoption of the euro.

The following charts show the path of both types of deficits during the years before and after adoption of the euro. (Data from the OECD, expressed as % of GDP.)




Note: minor data discrepancies in the fiscal balance series above have been corrected.


Capital flows (i.e. current account deficits) increased substantially in all the EZ periphery countries in the period after adoption of the euro. Meanwhile, the peripheral countries generally tended to have tighter fiscal policies after adopting the euro than before euro adoption.

Note that the capital flow bonanzas in evidence in these charts were directly the result of the adoption of the euro by the peripheral EZ countries, which made it easier for capital in the core EZ countries to find investment opportunities in the periphery. In fact, this was exactly what the advocates of the common currency intended and expected, and has always been touted as a selling point for the euro project - it's called "financial integration". The problem is the sudden stop that frequently follows such a capital flow bonanza.

3. What did the periphery countries spend their money on?
If the crisis is due to irresponsible behavior by governments and individuals in the EZ periphery, then one indicator of that would be a rise in government spending and/or personal consumption after euro adoption. On the other hand, the systemic causes view would suggest that crisis could strike even if a country is behaving 'responsibly' (in a macroeconomic sense) by spending more on investment goods (i.e. capital formation) and less on personal consumption.

The next table shows the fraction of domestic purchases spent on consumption and investment goods in each of the EZ periphery countries. Germany is included in the table for comparison.


There is a clear tendency for investment spending to rise in the periphery countries (with the exception of Portugal), and for consumption to fall. This is consistent with the convergence story; capital flowed from the core to the periphery to take advantage of and fund investment opportunities there. Meanwhile, with the periphery countries experiencing fiscal contraction, a smaller share of purchases going to personal consumption, and a higher share of purchases going to investment goods, it is hard to see evidence for the story that the capital inflows were simply frittered away on a spending binge either by individuals or governments.


So... What Really Caused the Crisis?

Putting it all together, it seems that the EZ crisis is more consistent with the systemic causes view than the local causes view. In other words, while they didn’t necessarily make the right decision every time, the peripheral EZ countries were up against powerful exogenous forces - capital flow bonanzas and sudden stops - that tended to push them toward financial crisis. They were playing against a stacked deck.

It’s useful to reevaluate the macroeconomic history of peripheral Europe in light of this interpretation. Rather than large current account deficits being the result of fiscal mismanagement or excessive consumption, the current account deficits were the necessary and unavoidable counterpart to the surge in capital flows from the EZ core. Rather than above-average inflation rates and deteriorating competitiveness being signs of labor market inefficiencies or lax fiscal policies in the peripheral countries, appreciating real exchange rates were inevitable as the mechanism by which those current account deficits were effected.

The eurozone debt crisis is big enough that there's plenty of blame to go around, and some of it certainly should go to the crisis countries themselves. But it must also be recognized that as soon as those countries adopted the euro, powerful forces were set in motion that made a financial crisis likely, and very possibly unavoidable, no matter what the governments of the peripheral euro countries did. Irresponsible behavior by the periphery countries did not set the stage for the eurozone crisis; the common currency itself did.


Coming soon: Part 2 of this series, in which I examine some policy implications of this analysis.

37 comments:

  1. Very impressive piece! A remark:

    "But it must also be recognized that as soon as those countries adopted the euro, powerful forces were set in motion that made a financial crisis likely"

    Indeed. Which translates to: these countries were not at all fit to join the EZ. And they still aren't. The obvious conclusion being...?

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  2. Αρα ερχεται η ωρα του ..Πανικου?

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  3. A supergreate explanation to the crisis. This negative current account, can you se it in the negative externar net debt somehow?
    I'll save this page forever! Wanting part 2.
    Is there a way stopping inflows bonanza?
    Or controlling it, transaction tax, perhaps? :-P

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  4. Need to tell this to the Germans

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  5. would be interesting to see the figures and charts from 2007 until now...

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  6. <span>Laissez ici votre commentaire en respectant les lois. Tout commentaire jugé inapproprié (agressif, raciste, diffamatoire, publicitaire, grossier, hors sujet…) sera supprimé</span>

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  7. This is useful analysis. Sadly, the troyka seem to still be holding Greece to account for everything. One can only assume that they prefer to focus on a "local" challenge rather than a "systematic" one.

    I expect Greece to get the next round of cash in October because the alternative would not be imaginable!

    Fear rather than rationality seems to be driving the markets, or should I say speculators. There are some excellent buying opportunities in well financed, cash positive businesses!

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  8. The capital flow into the PIGS is clearly at issue as the cheap funding distorted investment choices.. But what was done with it? Keying on capital spending; what's in it? Did it go into productive P&E spending? Into real estate? Governmnt kick backs? Infrastructure spending? And what does the analysis say about Ireland?

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  9. Stewart - you raise a good point: some investment spending is, in hindsight, better than others. But it's very difficult to know, ahead of time, which is which.  Furthermore, this is a problem that all economies face. The thousands of houses built during the mid 2000s that no one ever bought in the suburbs of Las Vegas and Phoenix are a good example.  And that's where, in a capitalist system, we are forced to defer to the judgment of the individual actors, both borrowers and lenders. If a German bank wants to finance a new housing development on the coast of Spain, is that something that policymakers should have a say in?  And if it turns out to be a bad decision, who's to blame -- the developer or the financer?

    You point to an important possible remedy, however, which has often been suggested in such situations: maybe policy should step in to block (or at least slow) such "cheap funding" that can flow from one country to another...

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  10. So what do my dear fellow Finns say about this?

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  11. Your comments on capital inflows/capital bonanzas are inadequate. The real problem is not a sudden stop but the fact that there is too much capital in the country (far beyond its economy's size) and this super-surplus capital then fuels bubbles and inflation, which in turn lead to a disastrous crashes.

    This excess capital inflow/bubble/inflation/crash scenario is certainly the case in ireland, with its real estate bubble caiused by irrepsonsible lending on the part of German (mostly) and UK banks to Irish banks, which then irresponsibly lent that money for real estate speculation and overbuilding. Then, after the crash, the Irish government then foolishly agreed to pay back all the loans of its big privately owned banks to the foreign banks, putting an unsustainable and unfair burden on the government's budget.

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  12. M.G. in ProgressSep 24, 2011 03:46 AM

    Relying on revenues originated by bubbles (construction and finance) or capital inflows invested in bubbles sectors is for a government fiscal irresponsibility not economic policy. It's not event fiscal irresponsibility, it's a government's Ponzi scheme: classically,particularly where and when someone promises high returns to investors and/or rely on government revenues and debt reimbursement whereas actually he has no way of generating those returns/revenues because he simply takes money from somebody else in the chain/scheme or in the future (for instance in the social security case or intergenerational burden of sovereign debt). In practice you need more money and debt (taken from somebody else) to pay your promises. Governments are also doing that...and banks who lent to governments need more money to keep going...and they get it from governments (a loop - Ponzi scheme is the worst and stupid case...).

    To the extent that capital inflows pose a threat you made a convincing case for a financial transaction tax on capital inflows and other financial transaction negative externalities... http://mgiannini.blogspot.com/2009/11/taxing-financial-transactions-why-not.html

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  13. Why is it necassary to make strong contrasts between possible causalities?  Capital flows and inefficient fiscal/labor-market policies tend to be related, after all, as governments will often encourage current account deficits to achieve full employment in the face of significant structural problems (e.g. the U.S. housing bubble, or Greece's fiscal deficits).

    Both can be true at the same time, in other words.  The problem with capital inflows is everyone benefits, not simply the people receiving the capital, which props up inefficiencies in the non-tradable sectors while demolishing the tradeables sector.  The whole point of external capital is to finance greater imports, after all.

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  14. Ah, everyone benefits from capital inflows because the real exchange rate appreciates, which makes imports cheaper relative to income.  The incentive to use the lower real import prices wisely (i.e. increase production and long-term growth) is simply not there for most of the population.

    Not to mention that the whole idea of using a capital inflow (which shrinks the tradeable sector) to finance greater production is absurd.  Foreign direct investment is supposed to "work" in theory, but to my knowledge no one's ever been able to prove it in the data.

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  15. Eh, studies have shown that transactions taxes can effectively change the composition of capital flows, but have little effect on their total volume.  That's a desirable outcome (I'm sure we could all live without speculative hot money flows, except those related to legitimate trade and hedging purposes) but it won't fix the underlying problem.

    Capital inflows is fundamentally a political problem:  it allows governments to engineer low interest rates, by imposing what is, essentially, a stealth export/manufacturing tax (inflation under fixed regimes, nominal appreciation under floating).  Governments really, really hate high interest rates. 

    So, the incentives are all wrong.

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  16. Very good. I liked but difficult to understand all.

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  17. <span>Laissez ici votre commentaire en respectant les lois. Tout commentaire jugé inapproprié (agressif, raciste, diffamatoire, publicitaire, grossier, hors sujet…) sera supprimé</span>

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  18. Here are three packets of published articles to explain:
    (a) how macroeconomic imbalances influenced European responses to the economic and financial crisis 
    http://www.jhubc.it/facultypages/ejones/EMU_and_the_Financial_Crisis.pdf
    (b) how those macroeconomic imbalances are linked to Europe's sovereign debt crisis
    http://www.jhubc.it/facultypages/ejones/sovereign_debt_crisis.pdf
    (c) how we might structure a partial response
    http://www.jhubc.it/facultypages/ejones/Eurobond.pdf

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  19. Nu e asa decat daca vrei sa-i scoti basma curata. Evaziunea fiscala nu e o legenda, e pe bune. In plus daca citesti coloana din stanga vei vedea ca Grecii au avut -5% deficit fiscal pe toata perioada in calcul. Cu alte cuvinte le-au fugit capitalurile (pe consum) dar sunt si dati dracului.

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  20. Growth and Development BridgeSep 26, 2011 01:56 AM

    <span><span> </span>What's the remedy then ?</span>

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  21. Stefan CollignonSep 26, 2011 06:20 AM

    It would help, if you could show the sudden stop. So far, your charts do not produce any evidence for that.
    It is also possible that the crisis was simply caused by the sudden drop in GDP in 2008-9-..., causing a fall in revenue  and this has NOTHING to do with the Euro!

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  22. why can't it have been BOTH fiscal imbalance and capital inflows, esp when it comes to Greece and Portugal?  Why does it have to be one or the other?  This sounds like overly reductionist/simplistic thinking. Is the author really saying here that Greece did not/does not have a problem with tax cheats at every level, with government patronage machines that handed out public employee jobs to stoke the engines of their machines, with having a fiscal imbalance so large that they felt compelled to hide it from the EU authorities and the world? Or that this fiscal imbalance (and then hiding it) is what CAUSED the capital inflow to cease rather quickly, and “trigger a financial crisis” as Reinhardt says?

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  23. What about speculation by the banks -- does that have anything to do with the debt crisis?

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  24. Um artigo importante

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  25. This is a very important article. I would like to translate it into Portuguese and publish it in the blog PPP Lusofonia. 

    It's true that the avalanche of easy credit financed the huge external deficits. The causality flowed from the external to the internal imbalances. 

    But we don't want to give up the Euro.  So, we have to restructure the external debt, WHILE protecting local savers and investors, unlike what was done in Mexico. 

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  26. <span>¿En qué estás pensando...?</span>

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  27. <span>¿En qué estás pensando...?</span>

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  28. it's so helping guys, cool analysis with the understandable word for economics dummies

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  29. If the adoption of the euro caused capital inflows into the periphery, how can that INCREASE the current account DEFICIT? Isn't CA balance inflows-outflows? 

    Besides for Greece the charts shows a dramatic increase in fiscal deficit in the period after adoption of the euro, so it cannot be only a CA deficit story. 

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  30. So the reason Greeks are poor today is that they won the lottery last year?

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  31. I think it's far too simplistic. Ultimately, you are saying that the Euro has blown itself apart, and this was caused by the Great Recession of 2009. To be consistent you need to trace back to 1999 to find out what caused the Great Recession itself. 

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  32. OnSecondThoughtNov 12, 2011 09:22 PM

    FYI

    http://tinyurl.com/87yu7oj

    http://tinyurl.com/7yxllxe

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  33. OnSecondThoughtNov 12, 2011 09:22 PM

    FYI

    http://tinyurl.com/87yu7oj

    http://tinyurl.com/7yxllxe

    ReplyDelete
  34. OnSecondThoughtNov 12, 2011 09:23 PM

    FYI

    http://tinyurl.com/87yu7oj

    http://tinyurl.com/7yxllxe

    ReplyDelete
  35. i think you reasoning as well as some of the evidences make sense. But if it were  due to the sudden stop of capital flows from the EZ core, don't we assume that capitals are still there but just top flooding into EZ peripheries. However, at current stage, isn't the EZ crisis as a whole? Meaning the capitals are in short and hard to raise for most of EZ countries?

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  36. <span>Interesting document. However your graphs disclose clearly that the downturn has started to surge before the adoption of the euro :</span>
    - in 1994 for Greece
    - in 1995 for spain
    AS it is commonly said, <span><span>to govern is to foresee. But in 1990's, governments did nothing to take in account the downturn at the beggining. It is fool to believe that crisis happened suddenly and governments just discovered nowdays how bad is the situation in spite of it is there for more 15 years.
    </span></span>

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